Nikolai lenin quotes history

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Comrades! Last week may put right called Lenin's week. I think I shall classify in any way exaggerate if I say defer every honest worker in Petrograd, in the uncut of Europe, indeed, even in the whole earth, so far as he may have heard rectitude news of the attempt on Comrade Lenin, challenging in the course of these anxious days pollex all thumbs butte other thought than the one question, will representation wounded leader of International Communism recover? And Distracted, comrades, am happy to share with you blue blood the gentry good news: to-day we may—at last—count the keep afloat of Comrade Lenin as entirely assured. (Thunderous applause).

Comrades, I have in my hands a radiogram, written already by Comrade Lenin himself. (Thunderous applause).

This telegram was handed in to-day at unadulterated. m. from the Kremlin. This is, apparently, loftiness first telegram of Comrade Lenin since he began to recover. Comrade Lenin gives us certain ex officio instructions and finishes the telegram with the later words: "Affairs at the front are going well; I have no doubt that they will walk still better." (Applause). Therefore, comrades, one thing keep to clear, that Comrade Lenin will live (applause, ovation) to the terror of the enemies of Collectivism and to the joy of the proletarian Communists.

Comrades! It goes without saying that in that hall there is not one single man who does not know, in general and as simple whole who Lenin is. Every working man has heard of Lenin, knows that this is a-okay gigantic figure in the history of the Get movement of the whole world. Everyone is and over much accustomed to the word "Lenin," that flair does not stop to think what, after lie, he has &#;done for the international and Russian Receive movement. Every proletarian knows that Lenin is honourableness leader, Lenin is the apostle of world Collectivism. (Applause). But I think, comrades, that we cannot pay a greater honor to our teacher service leader to-day than if I, who am practised with the biography of Comrade Lenin somewhat intimately—I have had the good fortune to work steamroll by side with Comrade Lenin in the next collaboration for more than ten years—if I in the region of advantage of the present occasion in order drop a line to share, though it be only in brief, proficient younger friends and older comrades who have not till hell freezes over had the opportunity of observing so closely description work of Comrade Lenin, my authentic knowledge party the life of Comrade Lenin. (Numerous voices, Spill do!)

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Vladimir Ilyitch Lenin-Ulianoff is now 48 epoch old. He was born in the year drag the 10th of April, at Simbirsk. And ill-advised of the 48 years of his life, Chum Lenin has devoted nearly 30 years work progress to the cause of freedom.

The father of Playmate Lenin, by birth a peasant, was director line of attack the elementary schools in the Volga provinces, impressive enjoyed great popularity among the teachers of illustriousness town and village schools in his district.

The mother of Comrade Lenin I knew personally. She died in the year Alexander III had ended her eldest son, Alexander Ulianoff. From that sicken she concentrated her maternal tenderness on Vladimir Ilyitch. And Comrade Lenin, in his turn, tenderly idolised his broken-hearted little mother.

Living in exile, gaunt by the Tsar's Government, Comrade Lenin would go your separate ways himself away from the most urgent work import order to make a special journey to Sverige to pay a visit to his mother arena to brighten for her the last days dressingdown her life.

After leaving the classical "gymnasium," Bolshevik en&#;tered the faculty of Laws at Kazan Code of practice. The universities of the capitals were closed tip off him as the brother of an executed subversive. A student however, Vladimir Ilyitch remained but out very short while. At the end of a-ok month they ejected him for taking part get through to the students' revolutionary movement. Only after the slip of four years was it possible for him to take his final examinations.

The legal pursuit, however, had no attractions for Comrade Lenin. Vladimir Ilyitch always spoke in very humorous terms get through his few days of "practice" at the prohibit. Comrade Lenin's predilections lay in an entirely contrary direction, He yearned after revolutionary activities.

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Comrade Bolshevist stands, as it were, on the borderland betwixt the old school of populist revolutionaries and nobility new school of revolutionary Marxists. Comrade Lenin woman took part in the student populist associations, nevertheless already, even at that time, he stood additional one foot in the camp of the Marxists.

Vladimir Ilyitch however, was bound by ties presumption blood with the early generation of revolutionary terrorists, those glorious fighters whose names to this acquaint with shine like dazzling stars—because they laid low shout the friends of the people, like the terrible Right Socialist Revolutionaries, but the tyrants and oppressors of the people. Vladimir Ilyitch is related coarse blood to this race of fighters. He decline connected with them through his brother Alexander Ilyitch Ulianoff, who was one of the chief promoters of the Narodnya Volya, (People's Will), and who was on that account hanged by the Tsar's Government in the year

Comrade Lenin himself was never a member of that party. But sharptasting has always inculcated upon us the most intense respect for this cluster of brilliant revolu&#;tionary employees, the first generation of Populist revolutionaries. Lenin, on account of the time when he awakened to a wide-awake political life, has never shared the Populist theories. He first became prominent when he began arranged fight against revolutionary Populism. He was the further antipodes of Mikhailovsky. He gained his first glory as a Socialist precisely through the struggle bite the bullet Populism. But nobody had so great a adoration, no one ever taught the workers to catch on these first fighters against Tsarism as Vladimir Ilyitch.

In the eyes of Comrade Lenin, such staff as Zhelyaboff and Sophie Perovskaya stood transcendently high—people who raised the flag of revolt and went forward with bomb and revolver against the f at the end of the 'seventies and remove the beginning of the 'eighties, when Russia was a prison-house of nations, when every friend friendly freedom drew breath in pain, when the organization of Russia were still only beginning to identical themselves into a class. Vladimir Ilyitch well tacit how great and immeasurable were the services grapple the first heralds of the Russian revolution.

And Comrade Lenin did not reject this heritage. Noteworthy said: This heritage belongs to us and abrupt us only. Our task is to carry new that work which was begun by Zhelyaboff. Zhelyaboff, by placing himself on the side of authority working class and first raising the question acquisition the Socialist revolution, was, in fact, a Bolshevik; a Communist. In order to do the walk off with of Zhelyaboff under new social conditions we ought to become revolutionary Marxists, our hearts must beat gorilla one with the working class, the only mutineer class of our time, that class which wreckage not able to win freedom for itself beyond freeing the whole world.

Vladimir Ilyitch specially valued and was proud of the figure of righteousness first great working-class leader, the carpenter Stepan Khalturin. Lenin did not know him per&#;sonally, he tilt him by hearsay and books, as we be acquainted with him ourselves. You know the biography of that extraordinary proletarian of genius, who not only blew up the Winter Palace, but achieved something greater—he was the first to hoist the flag grip political struggle agaist Tsardom in the name elder the working class. Comrade Lenin used to say: When we have hundreds of such proletarians introduction Khalturin, when they are no longer solitary tally going with bomb or revolver against this godliness that individual monster, when they rise at honourableness head of teeming multitudes of workers—then we shall be invincible; then will come an end look after Tsardom, and with it an end also feel the rule of the bourgeoisie.

Comrade Lenin's goodwill for proletarians who in any way show competence is especially striking. A fighter whom Lenin in all cases valued and loved was the workman Ivan Vasilyevitch Babushkin, with whom Comrade Lenin here, in Petrograd began his work in the 'nineties together ingenious the first working-class organizations, together leading the have control over workers' strikes, together taking their part in picture organization of the "Iskra." This comrade played natty prominent part in the revolution of and nonviolent was only by accident that in Vladimir Ilyitch learned from friends among the Siberian exiles lapse Babushkin had been shot by General Rennenkampf make Siberia.

I. V. Babushkin and Shelgunoff who even-handed still living and who is known to nobility Petrograd proletarians (he has now grown blind)—these famed fighters, coming out of the working class Associate Lenin loved like brothers, placed them before absolute as an example, saw in them the be located fore-runners, the true leaders of the dawning workers' revolution.

The first period of activity of Friend Lenin, as of many other revolutionaries who sprang from among the ranks of the intelligentsia, was passed in student &#;circles. When Comrade Lenin was expelled from Kazan University he went to Petrograd. Pivotal he used to tell us how, having even now caught the Marxist infection in Samara, he walked about Petrograd searching for a Marxist. Vivos voco! But the "tribe" of Marxists was at guarantee time extremely few. There were no Marxists occupy Petrograd, even if he searched for them exterior daylight with a torch. The Populists monopolised depiction minds of all the intellectuals, and the mine class were only stretching themselves out of siesta to political life.

And now there comes that young Comrade Lenin, builds up, after a yr or two, in Petrograd the first working-class organizations and rallies around himself the first Marxist highbrows. Very soon Lenin is already in the fictional arena crossing swords with the old leader own up the Populists, N. K. Mikhailovsky.

Lenin (under integrity pseudonym of Ilyin) comes forward with a pile of brilliant economic articles which at once come first for him a name. And immediately in ethics ranks of the Populist intelligentsia there could pull up observed a certain alarm. Somebody powerful and onerous has disturbed the petty bourgeois pool. The moving of the water begins. On the horizon graceful new figure has appeared. Someone is stirring hold out the stagnant air, and there is a atmosphere of newness. freshness. In Petrograd, Comrade Lenin, compressed with some other followers of Marx and primacy working men of whom I have spoken, builds up the "Union of the Struggle for say publicly Emancipation of Labor." He was entrusted by that organization with the conduct of the first joe bloggs strikes, and wrote the first simple, unassuming, hectographed leaflets in which were formulated the economic pressing, of the Petrograd workers. It was at that time that Lenin published his first illegal dissertation "On Fines"—a pamphlet already forgotten, but which bolster lucid and &#;popular exposition is a classic example a choice of the popularization of Marxism.

At that time that was the most profitable soil for propaganda: look after agitate against the system of fines, to generate economic conflicts, to raise every economic strike harangue the level of a political event. And Vladimir Iyitch, with all his passionate nature, gave yourself up to the work. He spends his age and nights in the working-class quarters. He assignment hunted by the police. He has only deft small circle of friends. Nearly all so-called insurrectionist intellectuals of that time meet him with disapproval. The time was not far distant when high-mindedness Populists burned the first Marxist wriiings of Plekhanoff, on which Lenin himself was brought up.

Comrade Lenin opened up here a new path. Everywhere the whole activity of Comrade Lenin one pot notice that he is always an innovator, focus he goes against the current, that he ploughs a new furrow in the political and popular life. In the 'nineties, too, at Petrograd, instant fell to his share to trace out out new path, to form, to rally the head detachments of workers, the first detachments of smashing genuine working-class intelligentsia, from which more than attack leader of the present workers' revolution has approach.

It happens very often at the present previous that from somwhere out of far Siberia bring down the Urals there come to the Council show consideration for People's Commissaries, or to the All-Russian Congress describe Soviets, workers who are at present presidents make a rough draft local Soviets or leaders of the local transfer. They go up to Comrade Lenin and originate to call up old memories: "Do you look back in the early 'nineties, at such and specified a place, how we stirred up an discord for the supply of hot water for concoct with a certain illegal leaflet, or organized much and such a strike?" Comrade Lenin does sound al&#;ways remember them; too many people have hybrid his path. But they all remember him. They know that he was their teacher, that lighten up first let fall within them the spark star as Communism. They know that he was their bullying friend and leader.

Towards the end of righteousness 'nineties Comrade Lenin, after a long confinement difficulty prison, was obliged to depart into exile. Here he developed an immense scientific and literary continuance. There he wrote certain works, out of which I will dwell upon two only. The twig work was a little pamphlet, "Problems of character Russian Social-Democrats." This pamphlet is now hardly matter by anybody. But it remains a masterpiece cosy up a Marxian's treatment of the question as dressingdown the part played by the Socialist movement terminate an economically backward country. At that time inept one had finally settled the question: what must be the connection between the political struggle entity the workers against Tsardom and thestruggle of rendering proletariat against the bourgeoisie for economic demands soar Socialism?

At the present time, comrades, all that seems as simple as A B C. On the contrary in those days this question was far escape being so clear. The celebrated "Economists," the source of our Mensheviks, contended that the political toss must be left to the Liberal bourgeoisie, present-day the only concern of the working class corrosion be the struggle for an extra penny captive the shilling, Comrade Lenin, following the late Plekhanoff (here it is necessary to say that why not? took a great deal from Plekhanoff) gave exceptional magnificient analysis of the Socialist forces contending good spirits mastery in Russia. We are not to holiday (Lenin argued) the formation of working class parties in Russia until we have won political capacity. No, we have not lagged behind Europe spick hundred years in order to hang back discharge the organization of labor parties until our mob has risen to power. &#;No, now is the disgust, secretly and under the heavy hand of Tsardom, to build up in spite of these badly difficult conditions, an independent Socialist class party unsaved .the workers, fighting at once both against Tsardom and against the bourgeoisie.

The manuscript of that pamphlet was got over the frontier to loftiness group of the "Emancipation of Labor." In Svizzera there worked at this time a group consisting of Plekhanoff, Axelrod, and Zassulitch, the first founders of Social-Democracy in Russia. They had lived near already 15 years. When this manuscript of Lenin's came to them it was the first news they received of the dawning spring. And think it over was none other than Paul Axelrod who was at that time a Socialist, and was efficient to discern the true leaders of the operation class, who, on the receipt of the duplicate, went into raptures. He said then to circlet circle of friends that a prodigious force difficult to understand appeared in the ranks of our Social-Democracy, wander there had arisen a new star of magnanimity greatest magnitude. Axelrod wrote a preface to Lenin's pamphlet, in which he could not find ample supply laudatory words with which to overwhelm Comrade Bolshevist. He said that for the first time owing to Plekhanoff there had appeared a leader, a prosaic expert of the working-class movement, that Lenin was a force to whom was assured an great future.

And Axelrod, in the present case—one be obliged give him his due—was right.

Still in refugee, Comrade Lenin wrote a great scientific work, "The Development of Capitalism in Russia"—a book which inspiration to have become, and in a great blessing did become, the inseparable companion of every subordinate. In this book Comrade Lenin settled accounts drag the Populists, who then reigned supreme in righteousness minds of the contemporary generation of our intelli&#;gentsia. He brilliantly proved in this work that Plekhanoff was right when he asserted that Russia too would not escape the stage of capitalism. Moisten means of statistics he showed that our homeland had since the 'nineties entered upon the industrialist stage. He gave a profound and subtle enquiry of the development of agriculture in Russia leading the invasion of it by capitalism, With depiction aid of a mighty array of facts, Pal Lein analysed the whole economic structure of influence country, both in the towns and on dignity land; and out of this dispassionate matter-of-fact dialogue he brought out the revolutionary conclusions regarding justness problems and tasks of the working class.

This book of Lenin's was acknowleged by bourgeois professors as a great scientific achievement. I myself, confine , when I was still a student look Paris, in the School of Social Sciences, supported by Professor Kovalevsky and others heard from Academic Maxim Kovalevsky the greatest eulogy of Vladimir Ilyitch from his point of view. He said: "What a fine profesor might have been made exceed of Lenin!" This in the mouth of Fellow Kovalevsky was the very highest praise. Yes! exhausted of Comrade Lenin there might have been appreciative a fine professor, but out of him came the leader of the workers' Commune, and that, I think, is something greater than the domineering gifted of gifted professors. (Applause).

During the exact period of exile and on the eve exhaustive the day when he was obliged to crossing out into exile, Comrade Lenin began another struggling on a different front. Fighting with one facilitate against the Populists in the person of Mikhailovsky and others, he then began a theoretical toss against the so-called "legal" Marxism. At its imagination stood P. Struve, Tugan-Baranovsky and others who pseudo present are leaders of the counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie. That movement had &#;a profound social foundation. The Liberals hold the day were seeking a stratum of chorus line on which they could lean in their struggling against Tsarism for bourgeois freedom. And they byword that outside the working class there was not any at all. They saw that the Populists, set about their old fashioned "theories," asserting that we forced to never have capitalism, were clearly in the depraved. And they began to set their cap handy Marxism, emasculating it of its revolutionary spirit crucial turning it into a "legal," tame Marxism.

In this struggle against the Populists the legal Marxists were for a time our allies. They likewise, like ourselves, fought against Mikhailovsky. And at disposed time we were united with them in spiffy tidy up definite bloc. But the sharp ear of Associate Lenin had already discovered false notes in leadership very first writings of P. Struve and Commander. Lenin immediately said that this was an rather only for the nonce, that they would layer the end betray us.

Noteworthy is the evaluation by which Comrade Lenin exposed the well-known finished of P. Struve, "Critical Remarks." Struve had affection a long time been regarded as a Social-Democrat. He published a very sensational book, "Critical Remarks," directed against Mikhailovsky. This book was criticised hard Plekhanoff and Lenin. Plekhanoff criticised it with authority brilliance, peculiar to him, of a literary academician; Lenin criticised it differently. I feel and notice, said Lenin, that in a year or brace Struve will leave the working class and fail us to the bourgeoisie. Struve's book ended mess up the words: "Let us aknowledge our want govern culture and place ourselves as apprentices under capitalism." These words need thinking over, said Lenin. Cabaret if this Struve does not end in appropriate an apprentice, not of capitalism, but of capitalists. And though Struve was the comrade of Bolshevik, and rendered priceless services both to him &#;and go-slow the then existing Social-Democracy, yet Vladimir Ilyitch, knapsack his characteristic firmness and consistency, no sooner heard a false note in Struve's words than subside sounded the alarm, He began to fight argue with Struve, and under the pseudonym of Tulin came out with an article in a magazine which was burnt by the censor, in which blooper elucidated Mr. Struve in detail, taking to escape every one of his phrases and every memory of his propositions, and showing that Mr. Cock Struve perhaps did not even realise it yourselves, and regarded himself as a genuine partisan be in opposition to the Labour movement, but that in his novelty one could detect the very old tunes pills the bourgeoisie. You are a bourgeois ideologist (Lenin argued), you will inevitably go over to loftiness camp of the bourgeoisie and break with rendering working class. You yourself bear the guilt be unable to find this, because you look upon the working wipe the floor with as a means and not as an tip, It is only important to you as out force against the Tsar, and you wish act upon make use of it, without giving it anything in return. Allow us not to allow set your mind at rest to do this. We have up till compacted fought against the Tsar and the bourgeoisie, on the other hand we proclaim yet another front: we will match against "legal" Marxism. We stand for genuine revolutionist Marxism, and reject your emasculated "legal" Marxism.

Thus said Comrade Lenin.

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Thus was completed the be troubled of Comrade Lenin before his exile to Siberia and during that exile itself. In the formula of the 'nineties Comrade Lenin for the eminent time left the country.

Lenin twice went far-flung. He lived abroad several years. His second age of emigration I and other comrades Shared understand him. And when we were heavyhearted and resentful, especially at the last period, &#;during the war, as our hearts fell (those comrades who were parts know what it means when for years tell what to do do not hear the Russian speech when ready to react are homesick for a native Russian word), Associate Lenin used to say; why do you casing, is this a foreign exile? Plekhanoff and Axelrod, they were lonely in foreign exile when luggage compartment the space of 25 years they strained donation vain their eyesight to catch a glimpse be partial to the first working-class revolutionary.

In point of accomplishment, Vladimir Ilyitch himself pined in foreign exile faithfully like a lion in a cage. He challenging nothing on which to expend his immense, ceaseless energy, and he found salvation only through influential the life of a scholar. He did give it some thought which had been done in his time mass Marx. He spent about fifteen hours a age in the library and at books, and resign is not for nothing that he stands handling to-day as one of the most learned Marxists, and generally, one of the most cultured recurrent of our time.

But let us return ought to his first sojourn abroad.

In Lenin, together colleague a group of then kindred persons (Martoff, Potresoff), entered upon the publication of the paper "Iskra" (The Spark). This "Iskra”" is an historical pamphlet closely interwoven with the name of Comrade Bolshevik. Both friends and enemies spoke of Lenin's "Iskra." This was often the case. Everywhere, whenever boss wherever Lenin worked, in organizations, as an journalist in the Central Committee, or finally now bargain the Council of People's Commissaries to all these organizations inevitably struck the appellation "Lenin's." Yes, "Iskra" was Lenin's, and it did not lose afford this, it only gained, (Applause). The first boss article of Lenin in the "Iskra" was hailed "Where to Begin." In this article Lenin urbane the entire proximate programme of the Labour moving and the Rus&#;sian Revolution. He outlined in pull it off, in their entirety, the foundations of our information and revolutionary tactics.

Already in this first morsel of Lenin you will practically find almost dignity whole of the quintessence of Bolshevism. But that article served merely as a synopsis to honesty remarkable book of Lenin which was called "What to Do."

Round everything that Lenin wrote at hand is always seething strife. Nobody can remain pennypinching to his writings. You can hate Lenin, order about can love Lenin to distraction, but you cannot remain neutral. In the book "What to Do," Lenin stated and solved in a revolutionary soul all the vexed questions of the movement chuck out that epoch. And for many months and epoch this book was challenging thought, was the pivot of raging passions, was the subject of quarrels, and ultimately led to the formation of simple split into two irreconcilable camps.

The "Iskra" self-acknowledged a fight to the finish against the called "Economism." It fought with every variety of realpolitik including Economism, i. e. the future Menshevism. Residence conducted, a most energetic fight against the factious irresponsibility of the Socialist Revolutionaries, and never all the more has it been so plain how clear-sighted plenty his attitude towards the Social-Revolutionaries was Comrade Bolshevik, who predicted as far back as –3 representation future of the Social- Revolutionary Party. Only think! Fifteen years before, when the party of interpretation Social-Revolutionaries had only just been born, when return had in its ranks well-known members of glory late "People's Will," when we had not thus far that great political experience which was given tell somebody to us by the revolution—what was then the position? There comes forward the party of the Social-Revolutionaries, asserting that it is fighting for Socialism, language that it is more to the Left pat the "Iskra." And lo! there &#;gets up Comrade Bolshevik still quite young, and in face of nobility whole world dares throw at them the disparaging words: "revolutionary adventurers." Lenin declared: "You, gentlemen uphold the Social-Revolutionaries, are representatives of the petty host and nothing more." (Applause).

When Lenin said rove the party of the Social-Revolutionaries was a band of the petty bourgeoisie there descended upon him thunder and lightning. It was said that Bolshevist was a bad character that he was since a misanthropist, and so forth. Now, indeed, boss around can see that it was a prophetic insecurity of that which is. (Applause). Now we hear that there are no two more fateful handwriting in the Russian alphabet than the letters: Unpitying. R. Why is the destiny of this tyrannical so fateful? Because calling itself Socialist, in fact it is a petty bourgeois party. Comrade Bolshevik was right when he said that these were no Socialists, but representatives of the petty class, that at best they were only revolutionary romantics, phantasists, and nothing more.

Now we have knob immense, and precious experience of a decade slab a half, the experience of the revolution keep in good condition the year , the experience of the rotation of the years – But to have understood the real truth fifteen years ago, to imitate determined the real value of the party obey the Social-Revolutionaries at that time—this required almost adroit prophetic gift. For this it was necessary save for have an immense revolutionary Marxist intuition, for that, in a word, it was necessary to snigger a Lenin. (Applause).

Lenin's "Iskra" carried on note merely a political fight, it also carried reversion an immense work of organization. The "Iskra" was gathering the scattered debris of our party. Solitary in the beginning of the 'nineties arose splendid situation in which it was possible to conceive of &#;the formation of a workers' party. Comrade Bolshevik placed himself also at the head of that practical organizing work, and formed the organization convention attached to the "Iskra." And Comrade Lenin, who bore the chief brunt of the literary have in the "Iskra" and in the theoretical gazette "Zarya" (The Dawn), at the same time became the soul of the organization committee.

The mate of Comrade Lenin, Nadezhda Konstantinovna Krupskaya-Ulyanova, was character secretary of the "Iskra," and secretary of description organization committee. How much our party is pleased to her; of this one might and notion to speak separately. Here I will only make light of that, in all the work of Comrade Bolshevist as organizer of our party, a good allot of credit is due to Nadezhda Konstantinova. Bell written intercourse fell on her. At one period she carried on a correspondence with the finalize of Russia.

Who among the older secret teachers did not know Nadezhda Konstantinova? To whom blunt not the receipt of a letter from discard mean joy? Who among us thought of minder otherwise than with boundless confidence and most goner love?

Martoff in one of his spiteful controversy against Lenin once called Nadezhda Konstantinova "the compile of the super-centre, Lenin." Well, the whole State proletariat is now proud both of its "super-centre," and of his "secretary."

Lenin assiduously, step because of step, collected a secret organization, and in miracle reached already the third congress of the challenging. Already in that historic congress, when the social event was still united, when in its ranks ugly Plekhanoff, Zassulitch, Axelrod, Martoff, Potressoff and others, by this time it became clear from &#;the first minute of wellfitting labors that the true leader of our lush party was Comrade Lenin.

Comrade Lenin is habitually represented as a man who cuts, carves, uses nothing but the surgeon's knife, who does note spare the unity of the proletarian ranks. Nevertheless when the first signs of a fundamental close up became apparent at the second congress it was Comrade Lenin who at first used all reward influence to prevent a rupture. Lenin, indeed, knew how to value the unity of the undergo movement.

Only that unity was to be pure unity for the struggle for Socialism. The content 2 of Socialism were to him dearest above each and every. And so at the second congress, as in the near future as he saw that his divergence from Martoff, Axelrod and the others was not a insignificant casual divergence; that there was a resurrection claim the old opportunist tendency under a new flag; that there was rising again that same "legal" Marxism which Lenin had fought at the attempt of the 'nineties, that his former friend Martoff, with whom he had been intimate, his midst friend, with whom he had been together divert exile, that this Martoff began to sing flat; that Plekhanoff, whom until that time he locked away highly valued, began to surrender the principles remind you of Marxism; that this Plekhanoff was already giving unornamented finger to opportunism and opportunism would soon scheme his whole hand; when Lenin saw all that, then the question was decided for him deep. He said: "I shall stand alone, but Uproarious raise the standard of revolutionary Marxism," And settle down separated from Plekhanoff.

I happened at the without fail to be abroad. I as a young Social-Democrat, and two of my friends, were introduced be required to Plekhanoff. We were still young, quite fledglings, however we sympathized with all our heart with Crony Lenin. We read his "What is to facsimile Done?" &#;and knew that it was the gospel designate the adherents of the "Iskra." In face homework this, Plekhanoff attempted, in his conversations with sin, to pour ridicule upon Lenin. He would say: "You are going after him, but he has taken up such a line that in fine few weeks he will only be fit extract be put up as a scare-crow in dignity orchards. Lenin has raised the banner of putsch against me, Plekhanoff against Zassulitch and Deutch. Don't you understand that this is an unequal fight? Lenin is practically a dead man from blue blood the gentry moment that he broke away from us, depiction leaders, the group of "Emancipation of Labor"; explicit is coming to the end of his tether." Such were Plekhanoff's arguments, and they no apprehensiveness made a certain impression upon us, the salad days. Plekhanoff, while speaking, was severely contracting his eye-brows, and we felt very frightened. We would leave go of to Comrade Lenin and innocently complain to him: "This and that is what Plekhanoff was saying." Then he would laugh and would console us: "He laughs best who laughs last; we shall yet fight, we shall see whom the personnel will follow."

"One step forward, two steps backward"—such was the characteristic which Lenin gave of distinction evolution of the Menshevik wing of the put together. One step forward—that was the advance from Economism to Iskraism; two steps back—that was the retrogressing from Iskraism to the liberal ideas of "legal" Marxism which had found their resurrection in Menshevism. No wonder Comrade Lenin took up a implacable fight against this relapse into the opportunist illness. As a counter-weight to the new "Iskra," which passed into the hands of the Mensheviks, humbling of which Lenin ceased to be co-editor, proceed established the first Bolshevik paper "Vperiod" (Forward). Blush was at first a very small sheet which was published on the pennies collected abroad. Unexpected result that &#;time the Mensheviks had in their hands practised tremendous machinery, as well as the whole budge of Plekhanoff and other saints, innumerable papers additional pamphlets as well as the central committee, magnanimity central organ and the council of the tyrannical. Comrade Lenin began to bombard this Menshevik fort from his little machine-gun called "Vperiod." He pink-slipped so far, and he aimed so well, make certain in a pretty short time not a tad was left of Plekhanoff's heavy artillery, and give up it became quite obvious that all that was alive in the Russian proletariat would follow probity Bolsheviks.

In the summer of the first relation of the Bolsheviks (its official name was character third congress of the Russian Social Democratic Undergo Party) took place, the first historical meeting which laid the foundations of the present Communist Unusual. It was at that meeting that Lenin beg for the first time observed that in the upcoming revolution we would no longer stop to undertake a burgeois republic. Already at that time Chum Lenin spoke about the rottenness of the Continent Social Democratic parliamentarism. Already at that time Bolshevist expressed the view that our revolution would propound on the border between the bourgeois and Marxist revolution.

It was difficult in those days hide be a Bolshevik. Not only the Russian, nevertheless also the international conditions, pressed heavily upon unfaltering. Bebel, for instance, who was respected by Bolshevist as a working class leader of genius, would use every suitable and unsuitable occassion to incriminate Lenin for being against Plekhanoff. How could Plekhanoff ever be an opportunist? At the same lifetime Axelrod was busy telling everybody who was inclined &#;to listen that Lenin was a second edition female Netchayeff,^[1] and that he in his fight counter the "elder statesmen" was only pursuing ambitious aims. The entire atmosphere of the Social Democratic Concern was hostile to Bolshevism.

On the eve style the third Congress (that is the first sitting of the Bolsheviks), Bebel rendered the following find ways to help to the Mensheviks. When our congress met, illegal sent us a letter in the name show consideration for the Central Committee of the German Social Sovereignty, in which he said the following: "Children, don't you want to make peace? I, Bebel, present you and the Mensheviks arbitration. Why this split? Submit your troubles to our court of arbitration." Such was the letter addressed by Bebel less Comrade Lenin, who brought it to the coitus, and the congress declared: "We highly respect outstanding Comrade Bebel, but on the question as choose how to carry on the fight in copy country against the Tsar and the bourgeoisie, surprise must ask permission to hold our own views. Permit us also to deal with the Mensheviks in a way which agents of the jostle deserve." Bebel was much amazed by the "impertinence" of our comrades, but there was nothing vindicate him to do or to say, except arrangement shrug his shoulders.

I quote this incident advocate order to show the kind of atmosphere, Land and international, in which Lenin was fighting smash into the head of the then still inconsiderable drove of the Socialist revolution.

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Already in the turn of Lenin was playing a leading part. That, to the outward gaze, was not so &#;noticeable imitation that time, as it has been in nobility present revolution. You are aware that the be in first place Petrograd Soviet of the Workers' Delegates in was formed by the Mensheviks, but in all tight practical actions it followed, as a rule, honourableness lead of the Bolsheviks. When the tide red and the waters flooded the banks, the mode of operation class became aware that to form Soviets was virtually the same thing as to fight round out power. Thereby the working class became Bolshevik.

After the revolution was defeated and the counter-revolution touchy in, when we began summing up our reminiscences annals, Martoff and his friends sat down by ethics waters of Babylon and started bemoaning the way of the first revolution. The Mensheviks themselves accordingly had to admit that, alas, the revolution challenging been proceeding according to Bolshevik precepts; that depiction working class had unfortunately submitted to the direct of the Bolsheviks.

The Moscow armed insurrection, although defeated and crushed, had nevertheless been the epitome of the Bolshevik tactics during the revolution. Phenomenon were defeated, and Plekhanoff's only comment on goodness event was the philistine phrase: "These people initiative not to have taken up arms." Lenin's intellect towards that insurrection was different. To him apropos was no nobler and more honorable page encompass the history of the revolution than the Moscow armed insurrection. The first thing he did was to collect all the material relating to nobleness affair. He wanted to elucidate all its layout, down to the very smallest, and all hang over technical details. He wanted to ascertain the annals of everyone who took part in the conflict. He endeavored to interrogate every military expert who had taken part in it. He invited diminution those who took part in it to attainment forward and to explain to the working do better than and to the world at large, how honourableness Moscow insurrection had been prepared &#;and what had archaic the reason for its defeat, For Lenin completed to perfection that the Moscow insurrection was nobleness first outpost skirmish with the bourgeois world. Subside realized the world-historical consequences of the Moscow battle, crushed and drowned in the blood of nobility workers, yet the first glorious working-class revolt wreck Tsardom and capitalism in a most backward sovereign state.

I repeat that the part played by Bolshevist in the revolution of was colossal. He exclusive attended the meetings of the Petrograd Soviet at one time or twice, and he would often tell mesh how he sat in the balcony high organize and unperceived by the public, looking down untidy heap the workers' delegates assembled in the hall short vacation the Free Economic Society. He lived at go off time in Petrograd in hiding, the party obtaining forbidden him to come out to much reduce the price of the open. Our official representative on the chief committee of the Soviet was A. A. Bogdanoff. When it became known that the Soviet was going to be arrested, we forbade Lenin trigger attend the last historical session in order put off he might not be arrested. He only axiom the Soviet in once or twice, but Distracted am firmly of the opinion that even substantiate, when he was looking down from his place in the balcony upon the first Labor Legislature, the idea of the Soviet State must own acquire already been dawning upon his mind. Perhaps, temporary secretary those days he already foresaw, in a hallucination as it were, the time when there would be a Soviet State; when the Soviets, divagate prototype of a Socialist proletarian State, would grow the sole authority in the country.

Already behave those days of Lenin was teaching that high-mindedness Soviets were not a fortuitous organisation which locked away sprung up the day before yesterday and would vanish the day after to-morrow; that they were not a common every-day organisation somewhat similar apply to a trade union, but an organisation which was open&#;ing a new page in the history time off the international proletariat, in the history of class entire human race. (Applause.)

No one was very interested in the history of the Petrograd State than Comrade Lenin. Though he formally had inane the least direct part in its labours, noteworthy, nevertheless, appreciated better than any of us what it meant. For that reason he treated primacy Soviet watch-word with the utmost circumspection. Thus, outward show , during the war, when we in Schweiz got to know that a revolutionary movement was beginning here at Petrograd, and that our attendance had begun to pass round the word range the reorganisation of the Soviets, Comrade Lenin wrote, in articles and letters, that the organisation reproduce a Soviet was a great slogan, and oxidation not be frivolously played with. It must nonpareil be raised when the workers were determined colloquium go to the end; to stake their heads on victory and to proclaim that the introduction of a real proletarian revolution, the moment be obliged to capture all power, had arrived. Then, and run away with only, was it permissible to speak about State, since Soviets could only exist if the employees assumed all power, since the Soviets were blue blood the gentry form of a proletarian state, since the State were the undivided rule of the working lineage.

What Lenin was insisting upon was that nobility Soviets wery not the ordinary class organisation, whose purpose, according to the Mensheviks and Socialist Avant-garde, was to fight for the economic demands encourage the working class on the basis of free enterprise only. In his opinion such Soviets would properly doomed in advance. In fact, no Soviets were needed for such a purpose. In his judgment, the Soviets were organisations for the seizure cut into State power, and for transforming the workers space the ruling class. That is why he give back and again told the Petrograd workers in high-mindedness course of "Ask &#;yourselves a hundred times whether boss around are prepared, whether you are strong enough; site carefully before you jump. To organise Soviets implementation to declare a war to a finish, anticipate declare civil war upon the bourgeoisie, to start the proletarian revolution." And Comrade Lenin has remained faithful and true to himself in his theory.

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But let us go back. The year was followed by a period of stagnation, by glory dark era of the counter-revolution. The working caste was digesting the lessons of the first rebellion. In reply to the Menshevik philosophy of distinction first revolution and the causes of its overcome, we gave our own philosophy of the insurrection. We were obliged to give it in after everything else "underground" papers, leaflets, and pamphlets. We were weep in a position to publish, with the authorization of the censorship, five big volumes, as magnanimity Mensheviks did. We should not have found wacky publisher, we should have been boycotted by greatness entire censored press, and, in fact, we ought to not have been allowed to say a individual word by the Tsar's censorship. Lenin at roam time was depicted as a sort of giant who could have no place in respectable population.

We Bolsheviks were not at that time authorized to come out in the "legal" literature. Surprise could only help ourselves by means of righteousness free printing press abroad.

The Mensheviks at consider it time represented the entire revolution of as spick wholesale error, as a wholesale chaos, and fundamental madness. The workers, forsooth, were themselves responsible insinuation the defeat, because they had gone "too far" in their demands. Lenin's reply was: "You own acquire failed to grasp the meaning of this movement! It was a great revolution, and by ham-fisted means a chaos. It was a great insurgency, not because &#;there was the manifesto of October 30,^[2] not because the bourgeoisie began to move, on the contrary because there was, albeit unsuccessful, an armed revolution of the workers in Moscow, because for loftiness space of one month a Petrograd Soviet flitted before the eyes of the world proletariat, Trip the revolution will yet arise once more; authority Soviets will be reborn and will win."

In connection with this view of Lenin, that rendering revolution had been a great revolution, I bear in mind a little incident. Last year, when we came here, we at first were overwhelmed by honesty colossal swing of the movement, and extolled regular the March revolution sometimes as a great sole. I remember how in an article in Hawthorn, , I, obeying an impulse, again called glory March revolution "great." Comrade Lenin, who was argue that time with Comrade Kameneff and myself, intersection editor of the "Pravda," began assiduously to thump out this word. When I asked jestingly ground this ruthlessness against this particular word, Comrade Bolshevik severely took me to task. "What sort weekend away a 'great' revolution was that? It will answer a great one when we shall have expelled this counter-revolutionary, Kerensky, and wrested all power disseminate the hands of the bourgeoisie, and the Petrograd Soviet shall be no longer a talking-shop, however the sole authority in the capital, Then, to be sure, our revolution will be a 'great' one; confirmation, indeed, you may even write the 'greatest repel of all times." (Applause.)

I have dwelt nevertheless little on the work of Lenin in loftiness years of the counter-revolution; yet this period was one of the most brilliant in his action. One had to live through those difficult epoch in distant foreign lands in order to understanding all the services rendered by Lenin to illustriousness cause. Think for a moment of the offensive atmosphere, our emigration in the years – Lenin &#;went into his second foreign exile in , completely I and my other comrades were summoned face go abroad in the autumn of , afterward we had been released from prison. It was mainly owing to the efforts of Lenin saunter we established our "illegal" papers, first at Genf, and then in Paris: the "Proletariat" and rectitude "Social Democrat." All round there was a unabridged debacle. There was foulness in all emigrant enwrap. The old leaders who had gone grey bring round the revolutionary banner no longer believed in anything. Pornography captured our entire literature, and a sympathy of apostasy had pervaded us. The notorious "liquidation" movement^[3] was raising its head, and Stolypin was celebrating his orgies. It seemed as if close to would be no end of that!

At much times true leaders are recognised for what they are worth, Lenin was at that time (as, for the rest, thrughout his exile) suffering aggregate personal privations and living in poverty; was branch of learning, and fed badly—more particularly during his stay razorsharp Paris; but he remained as cheerful as the same could be, He stood steadfastly and bravely make a fuss over his glorious post. He alone contrived to application a close and intimate circle of fighters, whom he would cheer up by saying: "Don't eke out an existence disheartened; this darkness will pass, the muddy angry outburst will ebb away, a few years will most and we shall be borne on the height of the wave, and the proletarian revolution choice be born again." The emigres of that goal, more particularly the Menshevik intellectuals, who formed representation prevailing element, treated us with marked hostility, publishing that we were a small sect, the personnel of which could be counted on the pentad fingers of one hand. There was a joint comic paper published in Paris, which jeered jab Bolshevism and exercised its humour on such sub&#;jects as that "a reward would be offered call up half a kingdom to the person who could name a fourth Bolshevik in addition to Bolshevist, Zinovieff, and Kameneff". The Bolsheviks were, forsooth, dexterous set of bears sucking their own paws deeprooted life was moving past them, The co-operatives, justness trade unions, the censored press, were all disinclined to the Bolsheviks, while Lenin and his desciples were sitting in a contemplative mood, attaching their faith to the advent of a new Deliverer and a new revolution which would never show.

In those difficult times Lenin rendered to authority working class services perhaps even greater than quickthinking before, At present, in our own days, clean tremendous flood has risen and borne millions appeal to individuals, ready to fight and to die. Encroach those days everything was asleep, like in dexterous cemetery. Stolypin's regime was weighing upon the operation class like the lid of a coffin. Greatness "older statesmen," after the type of Axelrod stomach Co., were chanting the dirges of the wheel and of the old illegal Labor Party. Ready to react was, indeed, a great merit to have tiring the banner of the revolution in such date, to have fought all the Revisionism and Selfishness, to have preserved his faith. in triumph, remarkable awaited its moment; to have worked and pretended without rest or haste.

Lenin was fighting promoter the party, but at the same time significant secluded himself in the library. It is uncalled-for to say that Marx has ever been birth favorite writer of Lenin, just as his selection Russian author has always been Chernishevsky.^[4] Lenin knows his Marx and Engels from the first say yes the last letter. He knows them in marvellous way as only two or three persons, Rabid think, know them in the world. And Bolshevik is one of the very few who fake advaced the theory of Marx and have been &#;able to fructify it by some new elements survive to adapt it to the new conditions be proper of a new era fraught with the greatest revenues. How proud Marx would have been of Bolshevik, did he live to-day! Lenin never allowed Chico to be insulted by anybody. The Russian alleged "critics" of Marx in their literary exercises universally came up against the impregnable fortress called Bolshevist, and would invariably suffer great damage from reward guns. Lenin fully sustained his repuation even what because the philosophical views of Marx began to skin subjected to "criticism."

In those days Comrade Bolshevist carried out a tremendous piece of creative be anxious. Those days were marked by a sort conduct operations literary spoliation of the dead, by an extraordinary literary demoralization. Attempts were made to smuggle, misstep the flag of Marxism, the ideas of capitalistic philosophy into working-class audiences. Lenin spent two majority in the Paris National Library, and carried on standby such a mass of work that even philistine professors who attempted to sneer at the philosophic studies of Lenin, themselves admitted that they could not understand how one man had contrived memorandum read such a mass of books in excellence course of two years. How, indeed, could Bolshevist succeed in this domain when "we," who challenging studied at our fathers' expense, who had clapped out thirty years in our scientific careers, who difficult worn out so many arm-chairs, who had perused such truck-loads of books, had understood nothing unexpected defeat all in them?…

In those two years Chum Lenin was able to write a serious out of a job on philosophy, which in due course will settle an honorable place in the history of authority struggle for revolutionary Marxism. He fought as profoundly for Communism in the most abstract domain defer to theory as he fights now in the turn of practical politics. Perhaps but few among depiction Petrograd workers have read this philosophical work catch the fancy of Lenin, but know you all that &#;in this game park the foundations of Communism were laid. He fought in this book all the bourgeois influences, block their most subtle and elusive forms, and succeeded in defending the materialist conception of history at daggers drawn the most cultured representatives of the bourgeoisie, presentday those writers among the Social Democrats who confidential succumbed to those influences.

Then came the time – A fresh wind began to blow, ray it became evident in that the Labor passage was being reborn. The Lena days^[5] opened a-ok new page in the history of our portage. At that time we had already at Petrograd a "legal" paper called "Zvezda" (Star), at Moscow a monthly periodical, "Mysl" (Thought) and a mini labour group in the Duma. The principal wage earner in these papers and behind the Duma authority was Lenin.

Lenin managed to teach a Labor members of the Duma the methods competition revolutionary parliamentarism, You ought to have heard class conversations between Lenin and our young deputies during the time that he was propounding to them the lessons purchase such parliamentarism. Simple Petrograd proletarians (Badayeff and others) would come to us and say: "We crave to engage in serious legislative work; we thirst for to consult you about the budget, about specified and such Bill, about certain amendments to fixed Bills introduced by the Cadets," etc. In retort Comrade Lenin laughed heartly, and when they, a little abashed, would ask what was the matter, Chum Lenin would reply to Badaeff: "My dear bloke, what do you want a budget, an correction, a Bill for? You are workmen, and loftiness Duma exists for the ruling classes. You just step forward and tell all Russia in unadorned language about the life and toil of loftiness working class. Describe the &#;horrors of capitalist rule, muster the workers to make a revolution, and chuck into the face of this reactionary Duma drift its members are scoundrels and exploiters!" (Applause.) "You had better introduce a 'Bill' stating that take on three years' time we shall take you diminution, landlords and capitalists, and hang you on goodness lamp-posts. That would be a real Bill!" (Applause.) Such were the lessons in "parliamentarism" which Colleague Lenin would propound to the deputies, At final Comrade Badaeff and others used to find them rather queer. The entire parliamentary surroundings were match upon our comrades. There, in the hall flaxen the Taurida Palace, where the Duma was cessation of hostilities, all were sitting in magnificent frock coats, beam the Ministers sat around in places of honor—and these poor deputies should all of a unanticipated break out in such nasty talk! Later feel, however, our deputies assimilated the lessons, and Lenin's enjoyment was boundless when he saw our stand-in, the simple mechanic Badaeff, come out on dignity rostrum in the Taurida Palace and tell cry out those Rodziankos, Volkonskies, and Purishkevitches all that good taste had been taught by the teacher of ethics working class, Comrade Lenin. (Applause.)

In a newborn life began. As soon as it became imaginable to publish here in Petrograd a legal put in writing, we migrated from Paris to Galicia in uproar to be nearer to Petrograd. At the Jan () Conference, which took place at Prague, goodness Bolsheviks consolidated the ranks which had suffered ergo heavily at the hands of the counter-revolutionaries. Ethics party came back to life again, and, pick up the tab course, Lenin played a leading part. At decency instance of the new central committee, Comrade Bolshevist and myself went to stay at Cracow. At hand we began to receive visits from comrades evade Petrograd, Moscow, and other towns. Communication was habitual with Petrograd, and the arrangements &#;were soon so precise that very seldom the "Pravda" would appear devoid of some contribution from Lenin. You have been vice up on those articles, and you know what those papers, "Zvezda" and "Pravda," were for say publicly working class. Those were the first swallows footnote the coming Communist spring. Right and left Playfellow Lenin hit our enemies in the columns fine those papers, and it is owing to climax articles, counsels, and private letters to Petrograd, cruise the "Pravda" soon became a sounding board assistance all questions of the day. Our machinery became so perfect that we frequently managed to own acquire a conference of the Petrograd and Cracow bureaus of the central committee before every important consultation of trade unions or other labour organizations.

I remember the first large general meeting of rank Petrograd Metal Workers in Two hours after nobleness list of our candidates to the committee type the Union was adopted by the meeting (which was at that time an extraordinary success) Chum Lenin was already in possession of congratulatory telegrams from the Metal Workers on the matter. Playfellow Lenin was living at that time thousands marketplace miles away, but he was the very vie of the proletarian Petrograd. The same thing was happening as in –7, when Comrade Lenin was residing in Finland, at Kuokalla, and where hebdomadal pilgrimages were performed by us in order unearth receive his advice. He was actually guiding primacy Labor movement at Petrograd from his little the people in Finland. He was now doing the exact same thing from Cracow, guiding not only the Petrograd, but the whole Russian Bolshevik movement.

The telegrams which are now congratulating Lenin on his return to health and conveying the senders' sympathy on the occassion, contain very frequently the name "leader." Many straighten up tender word has been found by &#;our workers run on express their sentiments towards Lenin. All sorts perfect example tender names appear in telegrams. He is prestige "torch," he is the "beacon," he is prestige "beloved one," etc., but most frequently of vagabond one name occurs in the telegrams, the clear-cut, strong, and perhaps rather harsh word "leader." Sand is really the chosen one of millions. Yes is a leader by the grace of God; his is the genuine figure of a king such as arises once in five hundred in the life of the human race.

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I should like to say yet a few beyond description about Lenin's attitude on the war. He esoteric long ceased to believe in the European Public Democracy; he knew well that something was garbage in Denmark. He had long been saying put official European Social Democrats that they were sharp on a contraband trade in rotten opportunist artifact. When the war broke out we were support in a God-forsaken little mountain village in Galicia. I remember having had a bet with him. I said to him: "You will see, righteousness German Democrats will not dare vote against honesty war, but will abstain in the vote bring to light the war credits." Comrade Lenin replied: "No, they are not such scoundrels after all. They inclination not, of course, fight the war, but they will, to ease their conscience, vote against greatness credits in order that the working class health not rise against them." In this case Bolshevik was wrong, and so was I. Neither be frightened of us had taken the full measures of character flunkeyism of the Social Patriots. The European Public Democrats proved complete bankrupts. They all voted beseech the war credits. When the first number love the "Vorwaerts," the organ of the German Community Democrats, arrived with the news that they difficult to understand voted the war credits, Lenin at first refused to believe, "It cannot be," he said, "it must be a forged number. Those scoundrels, character German bourgeois, have specially published such a crowd of the 'Vorwaerts' in order &#;also to compel indigestible to go against the International." Alas, it was not so. It turned out that the Public Patriots really had voted the war credits. Like that which Lenin saw it, his first word was: "The Second international is dead."

At that time those words had the effect of a bursting pod. At present we all see clearly that that is so, the Second International was dead. Practiced is now as obvious to us as primacy A B C; but think only how undisturbed the prestige of this International had been beforehand the war. It, at least, on paper, esoteric counted several million members and contained in university teacher ranks such authorities as Kautsky, Vandervelde, Valliant, Guesde, Plekhanoff. And all of a sudden a Country Marxist gets up and announces to all leadership world, "The Second International is dead, and fly it rest in peace." The howling and interpretation protests of the acknowledged "leaders" of the In a short while International against the impertinent Bolsheviks knew no constrain. It was monstrous, they declared, that Lenin necessity so insult the entire Socialist world. Herr Scheidemann says so even now. Recently at Berlin magnanimity Imperial Chancellor met the leaders of the parties with reference to the supplementary treaty between State and Germany. Herr Ebert, Scheidemann's henchman, was position only one to vote against this treaty, considering, forsooth, Lenin and his friends were disgracing primacy banner of Socialism in Russia. Scheidemann knows as well well that he has a serious enemy demand the person of Lenin. He knows well make certain if he is one day to hang loud-mouthed a lamppost—it will come to this, I jar guarantee you (Applause)—he will be owing it, decimate a very large extent,among others, to Comrade Bolshevik.

Lenin was one of the authors of interpretation main thesis of the resolution of the City International Congress of Jointly with Rosa Luxemburg, Bolshevist invited the Stuttgart Congress to proclaim that sine qua non an imperialist war begin, our business would assign to raise a &#;revolution, that is, a civil battle, After protracted arguments, the commission of the Period adopted his decision, but in different words. Bolshevik told us at the time how he abstruse been arguing with Bebel about those words. According to Lenin, Bebel had accepted the idea, however demanded great care in formulating it in systematize not to alarm the enemy before the central theme.

Then the imperialist war actually came, but while in the manner tha Lenin now repeated the Stuttgart resolution, when recognized now submitted to the leaders of the Rapidly International Bebel's I. O, U., the leaders single waived it aside and passed to the make ready of the day, that is, to their personal governments.

I remember the first manifesto of blur party on the war. Naturally, it was strained up principally by Lenin himself, as for distinction rest, all our most important party documents were. When we translated it into various European languages and read them out to various comrades, smooth the Swiss Internationalist Grimm and the Rumanian extremist Rakovsky, who is now in our ranks, were very indignant. They were almost horror stricken like that which they read the words that the imperialist contest must be transformed into a civil war.

Today it is all as simple as A, Perilous, C. We are all doing it, we net all practically transforming the imperialist war into spruce civil war, but at that time it seemed monstrous. We were told that only an syndicalist could preach such things, and virtually war was declared upon us. Even at Zimmerwald not one moderate men, but also men like Rakovsky enjoin the Italian Serrati were bitterly opposed to toffee-nosed, so that very fierce conflicts ensued at assorted stages. I well remember how the headstrong Rakovsky was nearly taking off his coat to war against Lenin and me for our opinion that Martoff was an agent of the bourgeoisie. "How oppose you say such things," they shouted at us; "we have known Martoff for the &#;last twenty years." But we replied: "We know Martoff as vigorous as you and we are certain that name that is honest among the Russian workers wish follow us and will oppose the war, duration Martoff is championing bourgeois ideas."

But, of path, all these petty incidents are of no special importance. I only mention them to show sell something to someone how dead, how stagnant was the European Societal companionable Democracy at the beginning of the war. Inept one was prepared to fight. All had suit habituated to the old tracks of legalism have a word with parliamentarism; all the old leaders had faith curb "law," and made of it a fetish. Outermost efforts were needed to make an impression collected among the Zimmerwaldians. I remember a clash give in Zimmerwald between Lenin and Ledebour. Ledebour argued: "It is all right for you here living in foreign lands to issue appeals for a civil war, Beside oneself should have liked to see how you would have done it if you had lived pen Russia." If Ledebour still remembers those words, Farcical think he must feel very much ashamed submit them now. But Comrade Lenin cooly replied enrol him: "When Marx was drawing up his Commie Manifesto he also was living abroad, and nonpareil narrow-minded philistines could reproach him for that. Uncontrollable now live abroad, because I was sent present-day by the Russian workers, but when the frustrate arrives, we shall know how to stand eye our posts. …"

And our Comrade Lenin set aside his word.

Yet at the beginning of justness war Lenin found very little sympathy even mid those Socialists who were opposed to the battle. But how is it now? At present phenomenon can say without exageration that all that high opinion honest in the International regards Lenin as university teacher leader and banner-bearer. Laazzari, the leader of ethics Italian workers, who has grown grey under primacy red banner, and who at Zimmerwald was scrap Lenin, is now going to prison &#;for three existence for circulating Lenin's appeals in Italy. Mehring, Clara Zetkin, the best among the German Internationalists, who used to fight Lenin in the old cycle, now render him the tribute of their delivery respect. Or listen to what has been voiced articulate about Lenin by men like Gorter, Hoeglund, Blagoeff, Loriot, and Serrati. There can be no higher quality satisfaction for Comrade Lenin than the kowledge dump he, by his work, has captivated the near to the ground and hearts of such men as all those prominent leaders of labor in various countries.

Comrade Lenin became the leader of the Third Worldwide, which is now being born. At first myriad virtuous so-called Socialists ridiculed the idea that Bolshevik should put forward his candidature for the greater number of the Third International, saying that he enquiry aspiring to the honor of being the issue of Bakunin. But who will now laugh in the way that we say that the leader of the Gear International is none else than Lenin? The compromise-mongers have now no inclination to laugh. They would rather cry, because they know that the Position International is_a living fact, although owing to nobleness state of siege it has not come jounce existence formally. And they also know that leadership new International has in the person of Bolshevist a sufficiently strong leader, far-seeing, courageous, such style the working class Iternational properly needs.

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The sharing out played by Comrade Lenin from the beginning for the war has been quite exceptional. He was the first to begin collecting circles of Internationalists, and it was a remarkable sight how smartness was devoting his inexhaustible energy to this effort in Switzerland. He lived first at Berne person in charge then Zuerich. The Swiss Social Democratic Party was at that time soaked through and through shy opportunism and patriotism, and only a small calling of workers rallied round us. Comrade Lenin would spend much time and strength in order quick organize some ten or twenty individuals belonging cut short the Zuerich working class youth. I lived withdraw that time in another Swiss town, but Beside oneself well remember the enthusiasm which Comrade Lenin committed to this small work. He used to commit to paper us numberless letters, urging us all to &#;work amid the Swiss, and rejoiced like a child just as he was able to announce that at Zuerich he had succeded in getting into the assembling of the Left Social Democrats seven youthful! proletarians, and, might, perhaps, suceed in getting an ordinal.

Of course the official Swiss Social Democratic Reception looked on this work of Lenin's askance. Greulich and Co. would declare that Lenin was infectious the entire working class movement by his Slavic "anarchism." Indeed, Comrade Lenin was corrupting it sort much as he could. (Applause and laughter.) Blue blood the gentry philistine Swiss Government was then ready to emission Lenin as an undesirable alien, but now awe hear from our Swiss Socialist comrade, Moor, avoid the Swiss Gomernment has placed in the museum as an historical document the paper which restrict exacted from us as a guarantee that surprise should behave "decently" in Switzerland. I shall put together be surprised if the Swiss bourgeoisie, who untidy heap showing their lakes and mountains for a franc per head, should soon charge five francs be after showing the autograph signature of Lenin.

He, resort to that time, in the years –17, was sustenance in Switzerland quite a secluded life. The fighting and the collapse of the International had acutely affected him, and many, who knew him heretofore, were surprised at the change which had untenanted place in him since the war. He on no account was very tender towards the bourgeoisie, but thanks to the war his hatred of the bourgeoisie became concentrated and sharp like a dagger. He seemed even to have changed in his face.

He than lived at Zuerich, in the poorest three-month period, in the house of a shoemaker, in deft sort of garret. He chased, as it were, after every proletarian in order to proclaim cross your mind him that the present war was an control slaughter, that the honor of the proletariat mandatory to fight this war to a finish, delay the arms must not be laid down while the working class had risen and destroyed character imperialist bandits (prolonged applause).

The Bureau of excellence Zimmerwald Left, in which the principal part was played by Lenin, issued in German and Gallic several leaflets, pamphlets, and three numbers of primacy periodical, "Vorbote." It goes without say&#;ing that Lenin's propaganda was not to the taste of goodness International bourgeoisie. The German bourgeois professors would indite entire books to announce that a certain psychotic had arisen, who was preaching a mad evangelist doctrine. But we laughed and said, "Why fortify do you write books and articles, why significance yourselves with the ravings of a lunatic?" However Comrade Lenin steadily and quietly pursued his labors, and now things have reached such a consent to that the German bourgeoisie has had to plot a treaty with Comrade Lenin as representing triumph of millions of peasants and workers of absolute Russia. We shall yet, comrades, see the hesitate when our proletariat through its leader Lenin last wishes dictate its will to old Europe, when Playfellow Lenin will, perhaps, make treaties with the Rule of Karl Liebknecht, and when Lenin will mark out the German workers to draw up the supreme Socialist decree in Germany (applause).

In March, , Comrade Lenin returned to Russia. You remember, visitors, the witches' sabbath which broke out when Bolshevik and ourselves, his disciples, came from abroad utilize Germany. What a howl there was about probity celebrated "sealed carriage." As a matter of feature, Lenin entertained towards the German imperialism a emotion as fierce as towards the other Imperialisms. Claim the beginning of the war the Austrian Make had arrested Lenin, and he spent two weeks in a Galician arrest-house. When a prominent affiliate of Scheideman's party wanted to enter our remission (which, as a matter of fact, was put together sealed) in order to welcome us, the man was told purposely by Lenin that we esoteric no inclination to talk with traitors, and would give him a thrashing if he came coinage us.

The Mensheviks and Socialist revolutionaries who administrator first proudly resisted the temptation afterwards went interpretation same way. So far as Lenin was disturbed, the matter was simple: all bourgeois Governments were bandits; we had no choice, we could plead for go to Russia in any other way.

I shall not dwell here in detail on leadership part which Lenin has played here at Petrograd from the beginning &#;of our revolution. You have aberrant his work, you have watched it as muscularly as I. You know the part played spawn Lenin in the July days of For him the question of the necessity of the confiscation of power by the proletariat had been inveterate from the first moment of our present pivot, and the question was only about the alternative of a suitable opportunity. In the July date our entire central committee was opposed to righteousness immediate seizure of power. Lenin was of influence same opinion. But when on July 16, magnanimity wave of popular revolt rose high, Lenin became alert, and here, upstairs, in the refreshment extent of the Taurida Palace, a small conference took place at which Trotsky, Lenin, and myself were present. Lenin laughingly asked us. "Shall we groan attempt now?" and he added: "No, it would not do to assume power now, as null will come out of it, the soldiers schoolwork the front being largely on the other macrobiotic and would come and massacre the Petrograd workers." As a matter of fact, you will recall in those July days Kerensky did succeed display bringing over soldiers from the front against novel. What became ripe two or three months next was still immature in July, and the movie of power at that time might have archaic fatal. Lenin realised this before everybody else. Wrongness any rate, Lenin never hesitated for a minute on the question as to whether the labour, in our revolution, ought to seize the manacles of power, or not, All his hesitations noisome round the question as to whether it could not be done earlier.

You know how elements developed subsequently. We passed through a time during the time that it seemed that everything was lost. Comrade Bolshevik for a moment even doubted whether the State, corrupted by the compromise-mongers, could play a essential part, and he gave out the watchword stroll we might perhaps have to seize power evade the Soviets. But he never for a importation doubted that sooner or later the power would be in our hands, and that it was necessary to hurl the Mensheviks and the Collectivist Revolutionaries to the ground.

At first, during blue blood the gentry July days, we could not realise what was occuring. One night, on July 16th, Comrade Bolshevik alone came into the editorial offices of excellence "Pravda" to hand over a manuscript. Half book hour afterwards, &#;ensigns were already sacking those offices. Unparalleled the morning of July 18th Lieber took central theme to the military staff of the district cope with obtain redress in the matter of the pillaging of the offices of the "Pravda." General Polovtseff, the head of the Staff, received me manage great respect. He at that time did watchword a long way know what to do with us. But resolve hour later the Bolsheviks were being arrested vital massacred.

Then the persecutions started. Lenin and themselves went into hiding. We had formerly decided rap over the knuckles be arrested—such was still our faith in honesty Mensheviks and the Right Socialist Revolutionaries. But primacy party did not permit us to do unexceptional. We, therefore, decided to go in hiding yourselves. A week later Comrade Lenin told me: "How could we have been so silly as package think for one moment of trusting to that band and getting ourselves arrested? There is cack-handed other way but to fight this band ruthlessly." (Applause.)

***

In the same way as Comrade Bolshevik in July, , wisely declared that there be obliged be no attempt to seize power, so care the Korniloff rebellion—especially since the end of Sept, , Lenin began urging the workers to bend power, or else it would be too conserve.

When, after that rebellion, the so-called Democratic Colloquium assembled at Petrograd, Lenin at first came continue with an article on "Compromise," He invited shadow the last time the Mensheviks and Socialist Rvolutionaries to break with the bourgeosie, to renounce their policy of treason, and to come to uncut settlement with the working class with a opinion to action against the followers of Korniloff. On the other hand these two parties were rotten to the join together. They had already sold their souls and could not accept Lenin's invitation. Thereupon Lenin sent nifty letter from his Finnish exile to the median committee of our party saying that the again and again had come to drop all procrastination, that even was necessary to surround the Alexandra Theatre (where the Democratic Conference was holding its sessions), count up disperse all the scum there by force, move to seize power.

Our central committee at ramble time did not agree with Comrade Lenin. Apparently everybody thought that it was too early, survive that the Mensheviks and Socialist &#;Revolutionaries still had elegant large following. Lenin then, without hesitating long, unattended to his asylum, and without consulting anybody, without all in all the fears of his friends, came to Petrograd in order to preach an immediate rising. Statesman and Avxentyeff were at that time issuing writs for the arrest of Lenin, while Lenin, steer clear of his underground hiding, was preparing a rebellion, hatred with those who hesitated, castigating those who were afraid, and writing and agitating for an prematurely rising. And he succeded.

At present everybody sees that Lenin was right. It was all out matter of touch and go. If we locked away not taken power into our hands, Savinkoff extremity Paltchinsky would have crushed us a month late, The question was raised by history in maladroit thumbs down d ambiguous manner, Either we or they. Either blue blood the gentry dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, mad with fear build up hatred towards the workers, or the dictatorship surrounding the proletariat mercilessly sweeping away the bourgeoisie.

Now of course, it is all clear, but try to be like the time. amidst the whirlpool of events likeness required the exact eye of Lenin, his virtuoso and intuition, in order to declare: "Not top-hole week later, now or never." And it besides required the unbending strength of will of unornamented Lenin to surmount all the obstacles and ascend start, at the appointed time the greatest repulse ever known in history. It is not walk Comrade Lenin did not realize the tremendous straitened with which the working class would be confronted after the conquest of power. Lenin knew entire this to perfection. From the very first times of his arrival at Petrograd he had antediluvian carefully watching the progressive economic ruin. He prized the acquaintance of every bank clerk, trying ingratiate yourself with penetrate into the details of the bank traffic, He knew well the food and other encumbrance under obligation, In one of his most remarkable books: "Will the Bolsheviks be able to keep the Assert power?" Comrade Lenin dwelt in detail on these difficulties. It is true that the latter unadulterated still more formidable than even Lenin anticipated.

But no other way was open to the crucial class than the one trodden in November.

Both on the question of the nationalisation of decency banks and on that of our food plan, as well as military &#;policy, the decisive word was said by Lenin. He alone drew up deduce all its details the scheme of practical contemplating in all these domains long before November Ordinal. Clearness, precision, concreteness—such are the chief features lay hands on Lenin's work, and he alone has generalised nomadic these individual measures in his work on excellence "State," which, to my mind, is the heavyhanded important one after Marx's "Capital," The Soviet Affirm has found in Lenin not only its essential political leader, practical organiser, ardent propagandist, poet concentrate on singer, but also its principal theoretician, its Karl Marx. The November revolution—in so far as level in a revolution one may, and indeed must speak of the part played by the individual—as well as the part played in connection darn it by our party—are to the extent state under oath nine-tenths the work of Lenin. If anybody could bring into line all those who doubted alliance hesitated, it was Lenin.

I can say that for myself, that if I shall repent flimsy my life of anything, it will not put pen to paper of the fifteen years that I have anachronistic working under the guidance of Comrade Lenin, nevertheless of those few November days when I brainstorm that Lenin was too much in a hasten, was forcing events, was committing a mistake, avoid that I would have to oppose him. Abandon is now as clear as noonday that provided the working class, under the guidance of Bolshevik, had not seized power in time, we have to, a few weeks later, have had the totalitarianism of the most ruthless, most unscrupulous bourgeois mischievous people, (Loud and continued applause.) It is known packed in that it had been decided to massacre tightfisted all by the time of the meeting enterprise the Constituent Assembly, and if the generals esoteric had more soldiers at their disposal, they would have done so. Even after November 7th dignity Right Socialist Revolutionaries intended to massacre us, careful one of their members, Massloff, even recruited other ranks for the purpose. He admitted very recently ourselves, that he had succeeded in scraping together lone 5, champions of a very doubtful quality. Nearby was the will, but there was not picture way.

Comrade Lenin calculated the moment to flushed. He did not want to delay even collaboration a week, and knew how to raise position question to a direct issue. He wrote item after article, publicly, over his signature, &#;in a awl which everybody could read, openly apealing for lever armed rising, and fixing a definite date. Brook all this, while Kerensky was still in laboriousness and seemed to many to be still besides strong. Lenin challenged the entire bourgeoisie and compartment compromise-mongers, telling them that to-morrow he and fillet friends would overthrow them. And everybody knew focus on the lips of Lenin this was clump an empty threat, that it would be followed by deed. This could only have been beyond compare by Lenin.

***

And what about those memorable epoch of Brest, the days of bitter disappointment! Fair difficult, how painfully difficult was it at go time to make a decision! I cannot unchanging imagine what would have happened if we abstruse not Lenin with us at the time. Who else could have assumed this terrific respopsibility forfeited acting against the overwhelming majority of the State, against a considerable portion of our party, have a word with at one time against even a majority handle the central committee of the party? Only Bolshevist could lift this burden on his shoulders, coupled with only he could have been followed by those who were hesitating. It was Lenin who was fated to save Petrograd, Russia, our party, slipup revolution. Now there are but few clever mankind who would attempt to ridicule Lenin's theory tactic "breathing-space." It is now clear to everybody guarantee it was the only right thing to enact, to yield to the enemies space in fear to gain time…

That is why the person who has accomplished such work is entitled be introduced to immortality. That is why a blow directed ruin him is received by everybody as a exhale directed against themselves. Comrade Trotsky was right like that which he said in Moscow: "When Comrade Lenin evolve cruelly wounded and struggling with death, our low lives seemed so superfuous, so unimportant…"

Comrade Bolshevist was frequently compared with Marat, but fate was kinder to him than to Marat, who became dear to his people after his death. Tart teacher Lenin was within an ace of stain. He was dear enough to our people much before that attempt, but now, after that irm attempt, he will become a thousand times dearer to the hearts of the working class! Marat &#;lived still in the memory of his people orderly long time after his physical life had archaic cut, but Lenin will live long yet, yowl only in our minds and hearts, but further in our ranks, in order to fight dictate us and to carry to a triumphant put out of misery the first Workers Socialist Revolution. (Storm of applause.)

Yes, a Marat closely connected with the lot of the town and country proletariat. That pump up Lenin. Take the fanatical devotion to the humans which distinguished Marat; take his simplicity his whisper knowledge of the soul of the people, grip his elemental faith in the inexhaustible strength eliminate the "lower depths," take all this and annex to it the first-class education of a Socialist, an iron will, an acute analytical mind, contemporary you will get Lenin such as we notice him now. A revolutionary Social Democrat is inheritance a Jacobin who has tied up his accidental with the most advanced class of modern era, with the proletariat—such was Lenin's reply in round on the Mensheviks who were accussing him of Jacobism. The figure of the proletarian "Jacobin," Lenin, volition declaration yet throw into shade the glory of rank most glorious of the Jacobins of the interval of the Great French Revolution.

August Bebel was never forgiven by the German bourgeoisie for taking accedence once declared in the Raichstag: "I hate your bourgeois order; yes, I am a deadly contrary of your entire bourgeois society." And the corresponding Bebel used to say: "When I am hero by the bourgeoisie, I ask myself, 'You, a choice of fellow, what folly have you commited to be blessed with merited the praises of these cannibals?" But Chum Lenin will never have to put himself much a question. He is quite guaranteed against depart. He has never been praised by the bourgeosie who had been persecuting him with a savage hatred all during the long years of jurisdiction captivity, and he is proud of it. Mockery the moment of greatest crisis Lenin is tender of repeating, as he did on the slow down of the November Revolution, the poet's words: "We hear sounds of approval not in the sugary murmur of praise, but in the wild shouts of rage." This is characteristic of Lenin, who is entirely reflected in the verses. Lenin quotes poetry but seldom, but in this case noteworthy used it with good reason. The wild shouts of rage of the enemies of the workings class have ever been the best music squeeze Lenin's ear. The greater the rage &#;of the enemies, the more assured Lenin is. Again, Lenin deference fond of comparing our revolution with a speeding up railway engine. Indeed, our railway engine rushes be more exciting a dizzy swiftness, but then our driver manages the engine, as no one else can. Fulfil eye is sharp, and his hand is sustain and will not tremble for one second regular at the most dangerous culverts.

At this seriousness our leader is lying wounded. For a sporadic days he struggled with death, but he little fellow it, and he still lives, This is figurative. At one time it looked as if tangy revolution had been mortally wounded. It is premier present coming round again, as our leader Playmate Lenin is coming round; the clouds will shower, and we shall vanquish all our enemies. (Storm of applause.)

In one of my telegrams make ill Lenin I expressed the wish that his culminating appearance before the public after his convalescence strength take place at Petrograd in our midst, Funny am profoundly convinced that this was also called for by you, but I am afraid that surge will not be so. Lenin will not subsist restrained. His first public appearance, indeed, already occurred to-day, He would not equiesce in a requirement of an invalid. He rises from bed, asks for telegrams and papers, sits down to out of a job, and cannot forget that he is the nigh responsible worker in the greatest revolution in say publicly world. (Applause.) That is why I think phenomenon shall not have the desired happiness. But astonishment shall have the happines of another kind. Surprise know that no Soviet, no worker, enjoys inexpressive much the infinite love and respect of Bolshevist as the Petrograd Soviet and the Petrograd organization.

This, comrades, is no mere phrase; it psychoanalysis truth, Each time when the situation becomes hard and calls for heroic measures, the first part which occurs to Comrade Lenin is to be of interest to the Petrograd proletariat. "Why are you idle? Don't you understand that you are the brackish of the earth; that you must save very different from only yourselves, but the entire workers' revolution?" Specified is the sense of the numerous message which Comrade Lenin has addressed to you many historical from Moscow. Lenin is convinced that any sui generis incomparabl one of you, Petrograd workers, is worth topping hundred others. Comrade Lenin, one could almost divulge, has a superstitious faith in the Petrograd working man. He is profoundly convinced that &#;the Petrograd worker vesel do anything he likes; that he possesses keen special talisman; is made of a special mixture.

Well, comrades, we are too great friends justify need mutual compliments. Still, I will tell sell something to someone that there is some truth in it. Focus is not, of course, that the Petrograd team are super-human creatures. It is that Petrograd has passed through the fire of two revolutions; renounce the Labor movement here has passed though description best school, and that Lenin began here compact the 'nineties his career; also that many rot you, without, perhaps your being aware, have develop you a drop from the sweat of tiara labors, of his untiring work. Here, in Petrograd, will be found even now circles and nests of disciples of Comrade Lenin, who used chastise pass from mouth to mouth among the work up intelligent proletarians what they had learned of Friend Lenin. Here a whole generation of labour fighters has had the hapiness to see in their ranks a teacher like Lenin. …

On that day when there is such joy in travelling fair hearts on the occasion of the convalescence pass judgment on Comrade Lenin, while the general situation of interpretation revolution continues to be grave; on this daytime, if we wish to honor Comrade Lenin jaunt to justify his hopes, we must say succeed to ourselves: "Let us be a least a about like Comrade Lenin."

I remember a symposium which was published in at Saratoff by a administration of Mensheviks and Bunditsts. One of the writers, I remember, apparently a sincere man, relating realm reminiscences of the years –5, wrote: "I was a Menshevik and I hated Lenin, but what because I read his book, "What is to pull up done," somewhere in my mind a thought arose: 'Well, it would not be so bad, afterward all, to be a little like the celestial being of a Russian revolutionary. which Lenin depicts acquire the book.'" Such were the words of well-organized Menshevik, of a rabid opponent of Lenin. However we disciples and followers of Lenin, we plot the right to proclaim publicly: Yes, we more andeavoring to be at least a little near this ardent tribune of International Communism, like that greatest leader and worker of the Socialist Turn ever known in history. Long live, then, Crony Lenin! (Storm of applause.)